Opinion | Israel’s Northern Front and the Global Chessboard

The fate of northern Israel’s residents depends to a great extent on global forces of power, money, and interests. The lives of children in Metula, Misgav Am, Margaliot, and Shtula are shaped by what happens in the Strait of Hormuz, by what the Supreme Leader in Tehran says, by what the President of the United States tweets or declares every few hours, and of course by the decisions of the Israeli government and the IDF, which are responsible for protecting their security.

The IDF is doing everything in its power to protect the residents of the north, and this is currently its primary mission in the sector. For this purpose, troop concentrations are being covered with fishing nets as protection against fiber-optic-guided drones. So far, these drones have been used mainly during daylight hours, but if Hezbollah equips them with thermal cameras, they will be able to operate at night as well.

Fiber-optic-guided drones have already caused casualties among IDF soldiers. Heads of local authorities and residents in the north describe an unbearable reality, one that threatens life, livelihoods, and the future of children. The ceasefire has become a war of ceasefire.

It is time to say: DON’T.

It is the duty of the Prime Minister of Israel to make it clear to the President of the United States that a distinction must be made between negotiations for a deal with Iran and any arrangement in Lebanon. “I have tens of thousands of residents whose lives and whose children’s lives are not lives,” Benjamin Netanyahu should say to Donald Trump. “They suffer day and night from Hezbollah’s violence – not only since October 7, but in fact for decades of rockets, missiles, UAVs, and now explosive drones. Almost every day there is a soldier’s funeral in the IDF.”

The Prime Minister can state the matter simply: there are currently only two ways to resolve the Lebanon problem.

The first is the application of significant military pressure through extensive airstrikes on strategic targets in Beirut – government institutions, energy and water infrastructure, and centers of national power. Not in Tyre, not in the Bekaa, and not in the Dahiyeh district, but in the heart of Beirut, the capital of Lebanon, whose stability matters to many European leaders. This option, according to Israel, is currently blocked by American opposition.

The second option is serious, direct diplomatic negotiations between Israel and Lebanon. Not meetings of ambassadors every two weeks, but a leaders’ summit in the Oval Office at the White House, which would not end until a basis for an agreement between the two neighboring states is reached.

However, even this option must be supported by a regional and international political framework. The Lebanese government and its army are not capable of dismantling Hezbollah on their own. The challenge is not only disarmament, but the neutralization of Hezbollah as an independent military and political force – just as the goal in Gaza is not only to disarm Hamas, but to end its military rule.

Such a process will not be possible without regional and international cooperation. The natural partners are Saudi Arabia and the Abraham Accords states, which view Iran as a strategic adversary. Iran has previously attacked targets in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, and these states have a strong interest in regional stability and in ensuring freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz.

No oil-exporting country has an interest in a sharp rise in global energy prices. With the support and backing of such a regional coalition, it would be possible to establish a genuine international force with real authority to act against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon. At the same time, the Lebanese army should be strengthened and transformed into an effective military force with substantial operational capabilities.

The President of the United States has a long list of global focal points – from Cuba and Greenland, through NATO and Russia, to Hormuz, Bab el-Mandeb, and Gibraltar. All are important. It is more difficult to explain to him what life looks like in Metula or Kiryat Shmona.

This week, the United States struck targets in southern Iran despite the ceasefire. There is no reason Israel should not act against Hezbollah when the organization continues to threaten its citizens even during a ceasefire period.

Trump and Netanyahu are committed to their declarations. Trump repeatedly states that he will not allow Iran to obtain nuclear weapons. Netanyahu declares that he will not allow Hezbollah’s buildup. Yet, unfortunately, the terrorist organization has managed to surprise even the fleet of stealth aircraft with a simple fiber-optic-connected drone.

In the Middle Eastern conflict, which began even before the establishment of the State of Israel, everyone pays a price. Iran has suffered severe blows; senior nuclear scientists have been eliminated and its economy is struggling. Hamas and Hezbollah have lost thousands of operatives and leaders. 

Gaza, Rafah, and Khan Younis have been largely devastated. Lebanon is paying a heavy price for Hezbollah’s activities. Global trade has been disrupted, energy prices are rising, and even the American driver at the gas station feels it in his wallet. Israel, for its part, has been fighting for its security since its establishment.

Perhaps the solution lies in a vision that currently sounds almost fantastical: the President of the United States attempting to advance agreements between rival and hostile states, initiating a regional process of dialogue and settlement. The Middle East has seen seemingly impossible developments before, until they became reality.

If the President of the United States can demonstrate even the beginning of such a new path toward agreements and reduced regional conflict, he could certainly be considered a worthy candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize.